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美国知名专栏作家:双面中国

2012年03月30日03:10        手机看新闻

    尤金·罗宾逊 发自北京

  《华盛顿邮报》 2011年12月1日

  从天安门广场的任何一个方向离开,都可以迅速置身于一个喧闹吵杂的商业环境。无论之前你听过怎样的关于中国的发展速度和规模的报道,都无法与亲眼所见的感受相提并论。中国如此无拘无束的经济生活让令人感到有些突兀。

  如今毛主席的画像尚在,中国政府将他定义为一个带领中国人彻底结束几世纪封建腐朽帝王和外国殖民统治时代,将中国提升到一个理应独立自主的主权大国的民族主义者。

  “我们向来都是很公正的。”外交部发言人洪磊说道:“我们承认他曾犯下错误,但我们从未完全否认过毛主席的成就。”

  无论如何,洪磊说道,看待中国发展进程的方式已应经从毛泽东革命时代开始,进入了一个转变的新阶段。不用担心中国正在走一条毛主席从来不会走的路。

  这看起来也说得通,中国政府试图保留毛主席创立的统治权力,是想让他的遗志得以继承。但是大多来天安门观光的人都是从内陆刚来不久的,其中包括那些数百万刚从从农村涌入城市的外来人员。他们似乎以一种敬仰之情来瞻仰毛主席的遗容。这提醒我们,对于所有混杂的大城市来说,中国的大部分地区仍然存在着落后和贫困。

  生活在一个信仰共产主义的国家,需要把握好什么可以做什么不可以。记者要做好自我检查,商人只要掌握好分寸便可以公开指责政府制策,评论员知道他们是可以批评政府官员的失职和腐败的。

  洪磊曾说:“没有哪家媒体可以违反基本的法律和宪章。”他的意思是“这基本的政治体系必须保证,你不可能去推翻政府。”

  当然,历史的影响是很大的。我曾在田浩江家与其共进晚餐。他是一个受人拥戴的歌剧歌唱家,曾在大都会剧院和其他一些世界知名剧院演出过。他如今已经50多岁了,当我听他及他的同僚描述他们是如何在文革中幸存下来的故事时,我感到十分悲痛。

  当他们还是在读高中的年龄段,就失去了继续读书的机会,去工地上干粗活,参军,或是到农村。他们忍受饥饿,筋疲力尽,整天处于恐慌之中。当大动荡过去之后,他们又必须从头开始重塑自己的生活。

  当时我是坐在摆满了美味佳肴的餐桌前听的这些故事。田浩江宽敞精美的居室是在一个崭新的高层建筑里,当然所有北京的高层建筑都很新,然而,他们的住宅楼却是北京少数利用新引进的地热能的“绿色”建筑之一。与我们一起谈话的有两位知名建筑师,和一位著名画家也住在这幢楼里。

  中国的的确确的改变了。

  (编译:人民网美国公司实习记者 张雨昕)

The two faces of China
Eugene Robinson (December 1, 2011)
BEIJING

Don’t hold your breath waiting for any kind of Occupy Beijing movement to
set up camp. Visitors to Tiananmen Square must pass through airport-style
security checkpoints, and nobody is likely to try smuggling in a protest
sign, much less a tent. The vast, wind-whipped plaza is a quiet place.
China’s leaders intend to keep it that way.

Walk away from the square in any direction, however, and soon you find
yourself amid a raucous riot of commerce. Whatever you’ve read about the
speed and scale of development here, you have no idea until you see it with
your own eyes. The contrast between China’s uninhibited economic life and
its repressed political life could not be more stark.

The iconic portrait of Chairman Mao that looks out over Tiananmen seems
anachronistic. At least in the urban centers, today’s China has abandoned
communism in favor of a kind of hyper-capitalism. Even officials acknow-
-ledge Mao’s mistakes, especially the ruinous Cultural Revolution.

Yet Mao’s portrait remains. The government has essentially rebranded him
as a nationalist who put a definitive end to centuries of imperial deca-
-dence and foreign domination, elevating a sovereign China to its rightful
status as a great power.

“We have been very candid,” said Hong Lei, the spokesman for the Foreign
Ministry. “We admit that he made serious problems for the country. But we
never give a 100 percent disavowal of Chairman Mao’s accomplishments.”

And in any event, Hong said, the way to look at China’s evolution is that
the country has moved into a new phase of the transformation Mao’s revo-
-lution began. Never mind that China is speeding down a road Mao never would
have taken.

It makes sense that a government seeking to maintain the monopoly of power
that Mao established would want to keep the chairman’s legacy alive. But
many of the sightseers at Tiananmen on Thursday afternoon were recent
arrivals from the hinterlands — among millions of migrants who leave the
countryside to flock to China’s cities this year — and they seemed to gaze
upon Mao’s visage with a sense of awe, not of irony. It was a reminder
that, for all the sophistication of the big cities, most of China remains
rural and poor.

Living in a communist country without communism requires a finely tuned
sense of what is permissible and what is not. Journalists acknowledge
that they practice self-censorship and, when necessary, toe the party line.
A businessman will reach the brink of explicitly denouncing a government
policy but not take the leap, instead lapsing into awkward silence.
Commentators know they can criticize officials by name for incompetence
or corruption, but only up to a certain level; an expert on the Chinese
media said that such attacks against the president, the premier or other
top-rank officials would be unthinkable.

“We have a red line,” said Hong. “No media can violate the basic laws
and constitution.” He said this meant that “the basic political system
should be kept. You cannot overthrow the government.”

To me, there’s an obvious difference between criticizing any official,
even a head of state, and advocating a revolution. A Chinese journalist
might see the distinction, too — but might be ill-advised to assert it.

Still, history does matter. I had dinner one night at the home of Hao Jiang
Tian, an acclaimed opera singer who performs at the Metropolitan Opera and
other great venues around the world. He is in his 50s, and it was
fascinating — and harrowing — to hear him and several of his
contemporaries describe how they survived the years of the Cultural
Revolution.

They were of high-school age, but instead of continuing their educations
they were sent to menial jobs in construction, forced to join the army or
banished to toil in the countryside. They were hungry, exhausted, always
fearful. When the nightmarish upheaval finally ended, they had to rebuild
their lives from scratch.

I heard these stories while we sat around a table groaning with exquisite
food. Tian’s large and elegant apartment is in a new high-rise — all the
high-rises in Beijing are new — that has the distinction of being one of
the city’s few“green” buildings, making innovative use of geothermal
energy. Among our company were two prominent architects, who also live in
the building, and a famous artist.

No, China isn’t free. But yes, it has changed.

 

(责编:美国频道、马茜)

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